By Graham A. Cosmas
Cosmas argues that the normal view of the conflict is from the “bottom up” simply because, whereas headlines have been being made approximately insufficient offers, disorder, and outmoded guns at floor point, the civilian and army figures on the optimum ranks remained almost silent approximately how and why they made their judgements. This quantity, in accordance with in depth learn in documentary fabrics, together with the non-public papers of President William McKinley and Secretary of struggle Russell A. Alger, in addition to the voluminous records of Adjutant normal Henry Clark Corbin and the quartermaster general’s places of work, exhibits the day by day growth of the conflict because the highest-ranking officers observed it, digested it, and established next judgements on it.
Faced with budgetary strain from Congress, political strain from the states’ nationwide shield devices, and the president’s moving stand on ambitions for the conflict, the military was once certainly unwell ready for its surprising mobilization. Cosmas concludes that the army’s management was once pressured right into a tricky new place in 1898, one within which its personal new rules of administration and association coupled with the large new scope of nationwide political/military targets did not deal with the particular situations of the warfare. After the preliminary wartime mistakes, despite the fact that, the military solved sufficient of its difficulties to make the campaigns in Puerto Rico and the Philippines run extra easily, although with much less information price. As Cosmas exhibits, the Spanish-American conflict was once a foretaste of the hot century, prompting the formation of a latest employees and command method that might profoundly regulate global history.
This paperback variation of An military for Empire accommodates the author’s 1994 preface; extra illustrations; and increased dialogue of African American squaddies, the land engagements at San Juan Hill and El Caney, and the interval among the August 1898 armistice and Secretary Alger’s departure a yr later.
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Additional resources for An Army for Empire: The United States Army in the Spanish-American War (Texas a & M University Military History Series)
Carr to Schofield, September 28, 1890, Box 38; Wesley Merritt to Schofield, December 20, 1892, and Nelson A. Miles to Schofield, January 26, 1889, Box 41; Schofield to Merritt, January 4, 1893, Box 57, John M. Schofield Papers. T. Hull, "The Hull Army Bill," The Forum, XXV, 398. For an account of the rise of military professionalism in Europe and the United States, see Huntington, Soldier and State, 31-32, 229-36, 243. RSW, 1892, I, 48. 6Report of the Board on Fortifications and Other Defenses Appointed by the President .
Members of Congress and of the Regular Army officer corps, along with the leaders of the National Guard, play crucial supporting (and sometimes disrupting) roles in the drama. How all of these men viewed the military problems of the war, how they planned to wage the war, and how they implemented their plans constitute the substance of the plot. Clearly, this account is not a full history of the Spanish-American War. It ignores naval and diplomatic developments except as they affected the conditions under which the War Department did its work.
14 Inadequate financing, both from Congress and the states, had left the National Guard appallingly deficient in modern weapons and equipment. At the outbreak of the Spanish War, most of the state troops carried the Springfield rifle, a single-shot breech-loader that fired charcoal powder and that the Regulars had discarded in favor of the Krag-Jörgensen. Many of these Springfields were Army cast-offs, worn out and likely to explode in their users' faces when fired. Some state artillery units had received the new steel breech-loading fieldpiece, but most made do with older muzzle-loading models.
An Army for Empire: The United States Army in the Spanish-American War (Texas a & M University Military History Series) by Graham A. Cosmas